by Ibe Alozie
This article discusses underbanking (and its nexus to poverty) in American households, steps that the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection (CFPB) has taken to mitigate the effects of underbanking, and recent changes at the CFPB that increase the likelihood that the CFPB will be less active in mitigating the effects of underbanking. To learn more about underbanking, check out From Paper to Electronic: Food Stamps, Social Security, and the Changing Functionality of Government Benefits, by Sarah Carrier, available on Westlaw and LexisNexis.
A household is considered “underbanked” when it has an account at an insured institution or bank but still uses alternative financial systems or services outside of the banking system. Rather than going through the traditional banking system, these households use money orders, cash checking, auto title loans, or pawn shop loans, among others, to meet their financial needs. While 68% of households in the United States are fully banked, a 2015 survey by the Federal Deposit Insurance Company (FDIC) found that 19.9% of households in the United States—approximately 24.5 million households—are underbanked.
To learn more about Broken Windows policing, check out Nowhere to Go: The Impacts of City Ordinances Criminalizing Homelessness, by Donald Saelinger, available on Westlaw and LexisNexis.
by Kimberly Kidani
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In 1982, George L. Kelling and James Q. Wilson wrote an article entitled Broken Windows, which purported to offer a policing strategy that would help police to serve the needs of communities. This strategy empowered officers to focus on “order maintenance.” The authors based the strategy outlined in Broken Windows on the premise that that crime and disorder are linked, and therefore increasing order through greater police presence in neighborhoods would prevent crime and make residents feel safer. In theory, this strategy would empower officers to restore a community through the policing of low-level offenses. In practice, “broken windows” policing is an antiquated attack on the poor that the criminal justice system needs to replace with real solutions.
Although The Atlantic published Broken Windows over thirty-five years ago, the article still has a large influence over how and what we police today. For example, New York City’s adoption of “broken windows” policing evolved into “zero tolerance” policing—strictly enforcing low-level offenses—which in turn motivated the city’s unconstitutional stop-and-frisk policies. Attorney General Jeff Sessions has explicitly encouraged broken windows policing. He has followed through on this proclamation in his reforms of the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) operations and initiatives. For instance, the DOJ’s Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) no longer investigates and reports on problems within police departments on a voluntary basis. Instead, Sessions is encouraging “proactive policing” strategies—those that attempt to seek out and stop crime before it happens, like stop-and-frisk and zero tolerance policing—which many people associate with broken windows tactics. However, although some supporters of Broken Windows credit this strategy with decreases in crime since the 1990s, other changes since then—including economic development and demographic shifts—make it impossible to definitively determine how effective Broken Windows is at reducing crime. Regardless of its efficacy, this policing strategy resonates with many people in the community: A 2015 Quinnipiac poll indicated that a majority of New York City voters support broken windows policing.
To learn more about food security among people living in poverty in rural countries, check out Poverty, Food Security, and the Right to Health, by Robert S. Lawrence, Iris Chan, and Emily Goodman, available on Westlaw and LexisNexis.
by Zachary Karlan
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Nestlé is by far the largest food and beverage company in the world. In September of 2017, the New York Times published “How Big Business Got Brazil Hooked on Junk Food,” in which it explains how Nestlé employs Brazilian citizens to deliver its products right to the front door of approximately 250,000 households. Nestlé and other companies have aggressively adopted a presence in developing countries like Brazil to combat declining sales in more economically developed nations. This door-to-door delivery model makes it simple for the poorest Brazilians to access food, especially those who do not live near a supermarket. Although not currently in service, Nestlé used to have a floating barge that would deliver food to villages in the Amazon. According to the company, Nestlé serves 700,000 “lower income consumers” who benefit from “products enriched with vitamin A, iron and zinc—the three major nutritional deficiencies in Brazil.” On its face, Nestlé and other multinational companies who employ a similar model for global expansion appear to provide an objectively good service: Providing poor individuals with food that might not otherwise be accessible and at a price they can afford. However, studies show that Brazil is facing a serious obesity problem due to the abundance of processed foods from companies like Nestlé. This should force us to question whether this program is truly helping the poor.